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Edited News , Press Conferences | HRC
HRC Press conference: International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia - 18 September 2023
STORY: Report: Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia - HRC
DURATION (TRT): 3:24"
SOURCE: UNTV CH
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH/NATS
ASPECT RATIO: 16/9
DATELINE: 18 September 2023, GENEVA SWITZERLAND
FORMAT: HYBRID PRESS BRIEFING
- Exterior medium shot: UN flag alley, UN Geneva
- Wide shot: speakers and attendees at the press conference, screens with speaker
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Mohamed Chande Othman, Chair of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia: “It is hard to overstate the gravity of the violence which is taking place in Ethiopia since November 2020. We have documented mass killings, rape, starvation, destruction of schools and medical facilities, forced displacement and mass arbitrary detention amounting to both war crimes and crimes against humanity.”
- Medium shot: speakers at the press conference
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Mohamed Chande Othman, Chair of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia: “We also documented the continued forced exposure of Tigrayans from western Tigray with tens of thousands of women, men and children unable to return to their homes.”
- Wide shot: attendees, photographer, cameramen/women and sound engineers at the press conference, screens with speaker
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Steven Ratner, Member of the Commission: “We reaffirmed our findings from our first report which was only able to look at a small number of incidences by looking at a far greater number of incidence and we reaffirm findings of significant violations of international human rights law, humanitarian law and international criminal law, some of which amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.”
- Close shot: attendees at the press conference
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Steven Ratner, Member of the Commission: “Clearly, we have seen a deterioration in the situation in Ethiopia since our oral update to the Council in March of this year, including the spreading of violence in the Amhara region and the Oromia. The ongoing violations are extraordinarily serious, and we have credible allegations of just how grave they are. They include the forced displacements and the sexual and gender-based violence.”
- Wide shot: attendees, photographer, cameramen/women and sound engineers at the press conference, screens with speaker
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Radhika Coomaraswamy, Member of the Commission: “This was as bad as it gets, it’s extreme, it included gang rape, it included cruelty of the worst kind, but I must admit that the worst of this was perpetrated by Eritrean forces in Tigray. Though, of course, the Ethiopian forces were also responsible.”
- Close shot: attendee at the press conference
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Radhika Coomaraswamy, Member of the Commission: “There was also sexual violence in Amhara perpetrated by Tigrayan forces which were also quite terrible. So, sexual violence as a crime in this war is something of great significance and it has to be looked into and accountability has to be had.”
- Wide shot: speakers and attendees at the press conference, screens with speaker
- SOUNDBITE (English) – Mohamed Chande Othman, Chair of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia: “The need for a credible, inclusive, and meaningful process of justice, truth, reconciliation and healing has never been more urgent. Ethiopia’s current transitional justice consultations are not that processed. Our engagement with hundreds of victims, survivors and their families, there is a really big deep mistrust in the ability and willingness of Ethiopian institutions.”
- Close shot: attendee at the press conference
- Wide shot: attendees, cameramen/women and sound engineers at the press conference, screens with speaker
- Medium shot: attendees and photographer at the press conference
Ethiopia: War crimes and crimes against humanity continue unabated, says top rights probe
War crimes and crimes against humanity are still being committed in Ethiopia despite the signing of an agreement to cease hostilities 10 months ago, the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia warned on Monday.
“It is hard to overstate the gravity of the violence which is taking place in Ethiopia since November 2020,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, Chair, at a press conference in Geneva. “We have documented mass killings, rape, starvation, destruction of schools and medical facilities, forced displacement and mass arbitrary detention amounting to both war crimes and crimes against humanity”, he said, presenting the finding of the panel’s second report.
Mr. Othman added that “we also documented the continued forced exposure of Tigrayans from western Tigray with tens of thousands of women, men and children unable to return to their homes.”
In a 21-page report to be presented to the Human Rights Council on Thursday 21 September, the Commissioners documented wide-ranging atrocities perpetrated by all parties to the conflict since 3 November 2020.
The report confirmed that Eritrean troops and Amhara militia members have continued to commit grave violations in Tigray, including the systematic rape and sexual violence of women and girls, in violation of the Ethiopian Government’s commitments on human rights and territorial integrity.
“We reaffirmed our findings from our first report which was only able to look at a small number of incidences by looking at a far greater number of incidence and we reaffirm findings of significant violations of international human rights law, humanitarian law and international criminal law, some of which amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity,” said Steven Ratner, Commissioner.
“Entire families have been killed, relatives forced to watch horrific crimes against their loved ones, while whole communities have been displaced or expelled from their homes, many too fearful to return, others unable to,” the report notes. “Trauma, both individual and collective, is likely to persist for generations.”
The Commission uncovered allegations concerning Government forces of arrest, detention, and torture of civilians in Oromia and has received numerous credible reports of violations against Amhara civilians since the announcement of a state of emergency in August 2023.
“Clearly, we have seen a deterioration in the situation in Ethiopia since our oral update to the Council in March of this year, including the spreading of violence in the Amhara region and the Oromia”, said Mr. Ratner. “The ongoing violations are extraordinarily serious, and we have credible allegations of just how grave they are. They include the forced displacements and the sexual and gender-based violence.”
Especially concerning is the ongoing nature of some crimes, in particular the worst sexual violence involving Eritrean forces in Tigray.
For Commissioner Radhika Coomaraswamy who spoke to victims of sexual abuse and exploitation, “this was as bad as it gets, it’s extreme, it included gang rape, it included cruelty of the worst kind, but I must admit that the worst of this was perpetrated by Eritrean forces in Tigray. Though, of course, the Ethiopian forces were also responsible.”
She added that “there was also sexual violence in Amhara perpetrated by Tigrayan forces which were also quite terrible. So, sexual violence as a crime in this war is something of great significance and it has to be looked into and accountability has to be had.”
The report notes that the Government of Ethiopia has failed to effectively prevent or investigate violations and has instead initiated a flawed transitional justice consultation process where victims remain overlooked.
“The need for a credible, inclusive, and meaningful process of justice, truth, reconciliation and healing has never been more urgent,” said the Commission’s Chair. “Ethiopia’s current transitional justice consultations are not that processed. Our engagement with hundreds of victims, survivors and their families, there is a really big deep mistrust in the ability and willingness of Ethiopian institutions.”
The Commission’s report warned about the continued presence of most of the indicators and triggers contained in the UN Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes. It highlighted the risk of further large-scale atrocity crimes, expressing deep concern that many of the hallmarked risk factors of future atrocity crimes remain present in Ethiopia.
The Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia was established by the Human Rights Council in December 2021, to conduct thorough and impartial investigations into allegations of violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law and international refugee law in Ethiopia committed since 3 November 2020 by all parties to the conflict, including the possible gender dimensions of such violations and abuses.
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Teleprompter
Yep, we have with us today all three members of the Commission in the Centre, the chair of Mr Mohammed Chande Othman, to my right we have Miss Radhika Kumaraswamy and on on my far right we have a Mr Steven Ratner.
The Commissioners will be sharing with you the findings of their latest report, and although this report is being made public today, it will be officially presented to the Human Rights Council at the end of the week on Thursday, 21st of September.
So now the Chair will make an opening statement and then we'll open the floor to questions.
[Other language spoken]
Yeah, thank you very much.
[Other language spoken]
Today, my fellow Commissioners and myself released the second report to the Human Rights Council.
This is a report of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia.
Our investigation over the last year has shown that despite the signing of the Secession of Hostilities Agreement in Pretoria last November, more than 10 months later, the situation in Ethiopia remains grave.
The signing of the agreement has neither resolved the conflict nor brought about comprehensive peace.
Violent confrontations in Ethiopia are now at the near national scale, with significant violations ongoing in Tigray and Oromia and increasingly in Amhara region.
It is hard to overstate the gravity of the violence which has taken place in Ethiopia since November 2020.
We have documented mass killings, ****, starvation, destruction of schools and medical facilities, forced displacement and mass arbitrary detention amounting to both war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Many of these violations are ongoing.
Our Lester's report confirms that Eritrean troops and Amara forces and militia members continue to commit grave violations in Tigray, including **** and sexual violence of women and girls.
We also documented the continued force expulsion of Tigrans from Western Tigray, with 10s of thousands of women, men and children unable to return to their homes.
In Oromia, one of the regions.
We uncovered an ongoing patent by government forces of arrest, detention and torture of civilians, in particular men and boys accused of links with the Oromo Liberation Army, as well as other extrajudicial killing of civilians and sexual violence against women and girls.
In Amhara, violence has escalated between state forces and Fano militia members since August this year and the situation is now characterised by use of happy weaponry, at least one drone strike carried out by the state, including widespread arbitrary arrest and detention of civilians and extrajudicial killings.
The need for credible, inclusive and meaningful process of justice, truth, reconciliation and healing has never been more urgent.
Ethiopia's current transitional justice consultations are not that process.
Our engagement with 100 of victim, survivors and their families relieve deep mistrust in the ability and willingness of Ethiopian institutions to deliver transitional justice.
Our own assessment pays out that the current transitional justice process lacks inclusivity, transparency and is being rushed to meet an arbitrary deadline set by the government.
What is more, as it stands today, Ethiopia is not able to prosecute international crimes at the domestic level in line with international law and standards.
So prospects, in our view, of accountability for atrocity crimes committed by Eritrean forces are virtually non existent.
When we observe current transitional justice initiatives in Ethiopia, it is hard not to be struck by the evidence of quasi compliance, deliberate attempts by the government to evade international scrutiny, to the creation of domestic mechanisms and instrumentalization of others.
This is served primarily to elevate international pressure and prevent stronger international engagement for investigations for the hundreds of thousands of victims over atrocities across Ethiopia.
These cannot and should not be allowed to continue.
The Commission's findings of ongoing patterns of violence and violations and crimes, and of failure to ensure credible transitional justice are very serious.
At the same time, the Commission notes a broader and equally alarming pattern of increasing secularisation of the state, in particular to the imposition of state of emergencies and the establishment of command ports and other military structures without civilian oversight.
This situation is especially alarming in the context of the deteriorating situation in Amhara region.
Entrenched patterns of grave violation and increasing secularisation of the state through curfews and state of states of emergencies bear hallmark risks of further atrocity crimes.
We conclude our report by assessing that most of the indicators and triggers for atrocity crimes remain present in Ethiopia and add stronger and ongoing independent monitoring and investigation of the situation.
Maybe before I invite you for questions, I want my, I would invite my 2 commissioners to say very briefly a couple of remarks, please, Radhika and then Steve.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
As you know, all Commissioners welcomed the the cessation of hostilities agreement.
Like all of you, we were looking towards its rapid implementation and establishment of peace and justice.
It was a major landmark and we all appreciated the effort that went into making it a reality.
But our investigations show that the hopes of Kohar have not been realised for a variety of reasons and in fact, there is the presence of indicators for possibility of future atrocity crimes.
The agreement appears to be between two ethnic groups.
What is needed is a comprehensive peace agreement involving all Ethiopians and we are deeply concerned about the situation in Namahara and we are also worried that there is no process that is ongoing that will lead to effective accountability.
And we also concerned about the Eritrean forces who according to our research, have committed the worst atrocities, especially with regards to sexual violence, especially in the border areas, and the prospect that they face no accountability at all.
Let me just say that all this has implications for transitional justice.
The Ethiopians have put forward their strategy, but I think we find, we have mentioned that in our report that we do find this lacking in transparency and and agency.
We try to engage with the Ethiopian government and transitional justice issues but they did not respond as as required by our mandate.
We therefore organised a conference in Nairobi where victims and stakeholders from all over Ethiopia came.
We remain one of the few institutions that enjoy the confidence of all victims of all communities, including the minorities of the Europa, Kumana and Kamel communities, and of every ethnic group, whether it is Amhara, Tigre or Afar.
The participants came from every part of Ethiopia.
They pointed out that they had no faith in the current system and they they were also concerned about the climate of fear that often goes along with this transitional justice process.
So let me just say Ethiopia is a country in turmoil and reiterate that there must be regional and international oversight.
They, you, we, we were hoping that Koha would lead to a robust regional process for human rights that is not not developed.
In fact, the African Commission on Ethiopia has closed down and we therefore feel that there is a real need for international investigation of what is going on in Ethiopia.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Chairman, I would just want to reiterate a few points regarding the investigative part of our mandate.
Our mandate was to look at the period beginning of November of 2020 and went through the end the middle of this summer when we began to write the report.
We reaffirmed our findings from our first report, which was only able to look at a small number of incidents by looking at a far greater number of incidents.
And we reaffirmed findings of significant violations of international human rights law, humanitarian law, and International Criminal law, some of which amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The war crimes findings were based on a careful review of the actions of various parties including the ENDF, the EDF, Amhara militias and the Tigran forces, and the crimes against humanity findings were based on review of the actions of the ENDF, the EDF and the Amhara militias.
Clearly, we have seen a deterioration in the situation in Ethiopia since our oral update to the Council in March of this year, including the spreading of violence to on the Amhara region and Aromia.
The ongoing violations are extraordinarily serious and we have credible allegations of just of just how how grave they are.
They include the forced displacement and the sexual and gender based violence mentioned by the Chair as well as continued blockage of humanitarian assistance again with the EDF and Amhara militias, particularly at responsible regarding the areas of the north of the country.
In our view, we are witnessing a failure by Ethiopia to carry out its legal obligations to protect its own citizens against human rights violations by a foreign military actor on its territory as well as by militias.
And that is a finding that we regard as a very serious one because the state is ultimately responsible for protecting its own population.
Finally, let me just reiterate that in a sense, just as we didn't have time for a full investigation for our first mandate, the 8 or 12 months that we had for the second mandate did also not allow us to engage in a complete investigation.
And eventually we ran out of time because we had to begin writing this report.
This underlines the importance of international scrutiny, scrutiny and further international independent investigations to determine exactly what is happening on the ground and the gravity of it, both with respect to accountability for past violations, but also equally important, to prevent continuation of this war, to bring it to an end and to provide peace for the people of Ethiopia.
Thank you, Thank you, Stephen.
Thank you, Chair, and thank you everyone for your opening remarks.
Now we open the floor to questions.
Do we have any from the room?
[Other language spoken]
Online, We have one from Catherine.
If you could please identify yourself in the media outlet you work for, please go ahead.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
My name is Catherine Fiancon Bukonga.
I'm working for France Van Catrin, French International TV.
[Other language spoken]
First of all, could you please repeat the the time that means the time frame where you you did investigate the first one was November 2020 till middle December 2020.
Could you please be a bit more precise, precise about the dates?
The second thing is I'd like to ask you that if you you have the intention or you are at, at how can I say if you would like, as in the case of Syria, that a list, the establishment of a list of those possibly implicated in the crimes committed so that later on courts can do their work and also for accountability.
Is that an option?
And also could you please elaborate a little bit more on your wish of an international independent investigation?
[Other language spoken]
I, I, I will take the first two of your questions regarding the investigative work of the Commission and it's and it's team.
The time frame for this report extends back to the beginning of the mandate of November 3rd, 2020 and the investigation came to a close formally on about the 27th of June of this year so that we could then switch to the drafting of the report.
At the same time, we continue to gather information after that.
Especially and regarding continued patterns of past atrocities, but also new information.
So we do make reference to to events up until the time we started drafting the report.
So it is, it is a comprehensive and looking back and looking as far forward as we were able to before we essentially ran out of time.
On your question about the list of those implicated, as you'll see from the report, we do indeed have such a list.
We are thus following the practise of other commissions of inquiry in gathering names of those we believe credibly are implicated in certain of the violations that we have identified for use by future accountability mechanisms.
On the issue of future steps by the international community, I'll turn that over to the chair.
[Other language spoken]
You may recall that the resolutions, both of them that established this Commission called for a thorough investigation and they use the word thorough investigations.
And we have managed of course to conduct this investigation mostly remotely because of not being able to have access to the territory of Ethiopia for our investigators to be able to investigate.
But we have relied on multiple sources to beef up that one to one direct investigation.
So both the two mandates have been able to we've been able to conduct direct interviews with around with around four, 545 witnesses, but to rely on on on other material.
Secondly, our investigation of course has produce a number of findings but there is certain limitation and this is one of the areas where we emphasise in the report there is a need for further investigation.
For example, our investigation has lead has led to the the list of persons of interest that we have.
But it in order to deal with impunity, which is a main issue in Ethiopia, you have to go higher up the command so that you have also those who were involved in in in directing others having superior responsibility or command responsibility.
So much as we have had a military advisor as part of our investigation team, that part has not been completed.
So you say there are many, there are a number of gaps that you will need really to be investigated.
Otherwise as it stands right now, it means that that accountability would have a shortfall in terms of not having persons with the greatest responsibility in the crimes committed in Ethiopia.
So that is why we urge A continued investigation and the modality of course is up to the council to decide the modality.
But the job given to us has those limitations in terms of the comprehensiveness of the investigation that we would like really at the end of the day to help in the accountability process.
And we all agree it is accountability process first step in Ethiopia.
And if it fails or it is unwilling, then we can discuss about regional and other international possible possibilities.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
We'll go next to Gabrielle online.
[Other language spoken]
The question for the the chairman, if possible, what are the concerns you have going back on what you mentioned about impunity, about future impunity, given that war crimes are still being committed and your mandate is is coming to an end.
Any specific concerns about the the coinciding of the crimes and and the end of the mandate?
[Other language spoken]
Yeah, thank you very much.
What what we have done in the report and this we will address and advise the Council is in our assessment.
So the the risks for atrocity crimes and their Commission are clearly visible and what we have used is we have used the UN framework of analysis for atrocity crimes which provide the risk factors.
There are common risk factors and then there are specific risk factors for particular crimes.
So what are the risk factors that we have pointed at?
One is there's an ongoing situation of violence and stability.
We have recorded serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law and our report is sufficient evidence material.
For example, not just of extrajudicial killings, but also multi papitated ****, which were widespread, horrendous.
The capacity of the war infections to commit crimes is still there.
There is there is the use of of of of discriminatory speech based on ethnicity.
So these are all risk factors that we will draw attention of the council that when you determine the future of this mandate, that you take into account this risks which we have measured and which we which we, which will bring to their to their, to their notice.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
We'll go next to a Jamie Keaton from Associated Press.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Thank you, Todd.
My question is for Madame Kumaraswamy has to do with the what struck me as a pretty powerful figure in there about at least 10,000 survivors of sexual violence in Tigre alone.
I mean, could you just kind of put that into perspective for us in terms of what the significance of that is?
And if you're concerned that that only masks just part of the situation of sexual violence and **** and, and, and, and another crimes in this regard in, in Ethiopia, please.
[Other language spoken]
Well, the sexual violence crimes in this war are truly horrific.
I think I have personally interviewed victims of the sexual violence.
So it's from first hand information.
I must say I have been to many conflicts, Rwanda and many others.
This was as bad as it gets.
It's it was extreme, included gang ****, it included cruelty of the worst kind.
But I must admit that the worst of this was perpetrated by Eritrean forces in Tigray, though of course Ethiopian forces were also responsible.
And I think there was also sexual violence in Amhara perpetrated by Tigrayan forces, which were also quite terrible.
So sexual violence as as a crime in this war is something of great significance and has to be looked into and accountability has to be had.
When we had this meeting of victims from all over Ethiopia, the the issue of sexual violence was very prominent.
And I think that's why I feel that all police forces, all forces that engaged in this, and they are not only the Ethiopian government forces, it's also Eritrean and now Tigray.
I think it's important to have comprehensive justice with regard to these issues.
And also the paramilitaries, the Fano forces in western Tigray also terrible situation, terrible crimes of sexual violence.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Do we have any more online or from the room?
Going once, twice?
[Other language spoken]
Thank you Commission.
I just, I wanted to just maybe I see that my colleagues have also tried to sort of press upon this question.
But the issue of a, a new mandate, I mean, is there, you know, how significant is that going to be for the country of Ethiopia if issues like sexual violence, crimes against humanity, war crimes, all the various abuses and violations that you've mentioned go, you know, don't have the benefit of the scrutiny from your Commission or from other instances to ensure that, that, that the crimes will, what could potentially one day be prosecuted in in Ethiopia?
Could you just give us a little bit of context in terms of broadly what this would mean if, if there's no continuation of the mandate?
Well, I'll just say very quickly and then hand it over to the chair, which should be the final word on that.
I mean, I think history has shown us that non prosecution is the first ground.
They will be recurrence.
Non recurrence usually requires some kind of transitional justice process or some accountability process.
So that's our concern as we watch what's evolving all around Ethiopia.
[Other language spoken]
There will be recurrence of violence not only in Tigray but throughout Ethiopia unless there is a comprehensive peace settlement, unless there is accountability for crimes.
But I will just give it to the chairperson too.
[Other language spoken]
Just to add, what we understand from victims who have we have consulted widely is that one of the primary drivers of the conflict is impunity.
And the Human Council resolution that establishes this mandate speaks about encouraging impunity being directly related to the real occurrence of atrocity crimes.
So I think impunity is is essential but also I think in terms of Ethiopia because Ethiopia is saying, and I think it has that entitlement that it has primary responsibility for protection of its nationals.
And the Human Right Council resolution also recognises that it is a primary responsibility of Ethiopia to protect its citizen and that is why it is proposing so many measures.
But our assessment is that those measures have not lived up to the standard, they have not produced.
They are not credible, not only according to what we have assessed but also including the victims that we have assessed.
So it's time for Ethiopia, Navia to rethink when it is advancing internationally, you know that it is taking credible measures of accountability and so on.
And that is why we have used this notion of concept of quasi compliance, saying that the international community, you should be wary about quasi compliance because at the end of the day, quasi compliance really means that, you know, nothing's really happening at the domestic level, and therefore, the risk factors reoccur in terms of atrocity crimes.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
If we don't have any more questions, that'll bring us to the end of this press conference.
Do any of the members of the Commission have any final comments to make?
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
All right.
Well, thank you very much for joining us and have a good day.