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HRC Press Conference: Special Rapporteur on oPt - 27 March 2024
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HRC Press Conference: Special Rapporteur on oPt - 27 March 2024
STORY: Albanese OPT Report
TRT: 2:26”
SOURCE: UNTV CH
RESTRICTIONS: NONE
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH / NATS
ASPECT RATIO: 16:9
DATELINE: 27 March 2024 GENEVA, SWITZERLAND
SHOTLIST
1. Exterior medium shot: UN flag alley
2. Wide shot: speaker at the podium of the press conference
3. SOUNDBITE (English) – Speaker: Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “The flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians, the deployment of unlawful weaponry, the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure, including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza’s hospitals and the man-made starvation of the Palestinian people transcend the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanity.”
4. Medium shot: Journalists in the press room
5. SOUNDBITE (French) – Speaker : Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967 : "Être chassé, désintégré en tant que peuple c’est quelque chose qui est la Nakba. La Nakba c’est ce que les Palestiniens ont vécu depuis 1947 et encore en 1967personne n’en parle mais la destruction de villages, le dépeuplement forcé c’est ce qu’ils ont vécu. C’est pour ça, ce que je dis ce n’est pas tout à fait nouveau maintenant on a atteint un niveau qu’on ne peut plus ignorer. ”
6. Wide shot: speakers at the podium filmed from behind during the press conference with journalists in the press room
7. SOUNDBITE (English) – Speaker: Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “Israel has justified, has explained its military actions as proportionate, as not targeting civilians - they didn't achieve that goal, considering that 70 per cent, 70 per cent of the victims have steadily been women and children - throughout the assault on Gaza.”
8. Wide shot: Journalists, cameraman and people in the gallery of the press room
9. SOUNDBITE (English) – – Speaker: Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “Having people in with command authority or having the Prime Minister and having the President of the State issuing statements, they are so dehumanising, evoking violence, not once, not twice, continuously for months; it's supported by jurisprudence in other in other cases that this is genocidal incitement.”
10. Medium shot: journalists in the press room
11. Wide shot: speakers at the podium filmed from behind during the press conference with journalists in the press room
12. Medium shot: journalists in the press room
Rights expert alleges ‘genocidal incitement’ being committed in Gaza
Israel's "genocidal incitement" against Palestinians in Gaza transcends the scope of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory alleged on Wednesday.
Speaking to journalists on the sidelines of the Human Rights Council, Francesca Albanese maintained that Israel had used “humanitarian camouflage” to pursue nearly six months of intense bombardment in Gaza, in response to Hamas-led terror attacks on Israeli communities that left some 1,200 dead and more than 250 taken hostage.
“Israel has justified - has explained - its military actions as proportionate, as not targeting civilians; they didn't achieve that goal, considering that 70 per cent, 70 per cent of the victims have steadily been women and children, throughout the assault on Gaza.”
Ms. Albanese’s comments came a day after she presented her report to the Human Rights Council maintain that there were “reasonable grounds to believe that the threshold indicating the commission of the crime of genocide” had been met.
At a scheduled Press conference, the Special Rapporteur insisted that the “flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians, the deployment of unlawful weaponry, the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure, including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza’s hospitals and the man-made starvation of the Palestinian people transcend the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanity”.
Speaking in French, the independent rights expert who is not a UN staff member referenced the “Nakba”, or “catastrophe”, that Palestinians use to describe the events of 1947 when many were displaced after the founding of the State of Israel, and the 1967 war between Israel and regional neighbours.
"To be pursued, pulled apart as a people, that’s the Nakba. The Nakba is what Palestinians have lived through since 1947 and also in 1967, nobody talks about it, but the destruction of villages, the forced depopulation – that’s what they went through. It’s for this reason that I’m saying this is not exactly new (but) now it has reached a level that we can no longer ignore.”
Ms. Albanese also made reference to the use of dehumanizing rhetoric about Palestinians in Israel after the 7 October 2023 Hamas-led terror attacks: “Having people in with command authority or having the Prime Minister and having the President of the State issuing statements, they are so dehumanising, evoking violence, not once, not twice, continuously for months; it's supported by jurisprudence in other in other cases that this is genocidal incitement.”
Citing international law, Ms. Albanese previously explained that genocide is defined as a specific set of acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.
“Specifically, Israel has committed three acts of genocide with the requisite intent, causing seriously serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group, deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part, and imposing measures intended to prevent birth within the group,” she said.
ends
Teleprompter
Good afternoon, everyone, and welcome to this press conference at the Paledinacio in Geneva, which is currently hosting the 55th regular session of the United Nations Human Rights Council.
We are very pleased to have with us Miss Francesca Albanese, who's the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.
the United Nations Human Rights Council appointed Francesca Albanese as the holder of this mandate on April 1st 2022.
Since the start of the her mandate, Miss Albanese has presented 4 reports, 2 to the UN General Assembly and two others to the UN Human Rights Council.
She presented her latest report yesterday to the Human Rights Council and participated in an interactive dialogues with UN member States and non governmental organisations.
The Special Rapporteur will first make opening remarks and before taking your questions, this Albanese was available.
After five months of monitoring and analysing Israel's onslaught on Gaza, my report finds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the threshold indicating that Israel is committing the crime of genocide against the Palestinians as a group in Gaza has been met.
Specifically, Israel has committed three acts of genocide with a requisite intent, killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group and deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.
The flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians, the deployment of unlawful weaponry, the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure, including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza's hospitals and the man made starvation of the Palestinian people.
Trust SEND the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanities that had been seen in the occupied Palestinian territory before.
The monstrosity unfolding is accompanied by a pervasive anti Palestinian narrative and dehumanisation emanating from the uppermost tyres of Israeli society, including ****-ranking officials with command authority and frequently reflected in soldiers actions on the ground.
This reflects the intent Adolu specialis to destroy in all or in part, which is what distinguishes genocide from other atrocity crimes.
In the case of Gaza, there exists a chilling clarity of this purpose, the systematic eradication of an entire people, or at least a significant part thereof.
One of the key findings is that Israel's executive and military leadership and soldiers have intentionally distorted, using bellow principles, subvertive their protection functions in an attempt to legitimise genocidal violence against the Palestinian people.
The only reasonable inference that can be drawn from the unveiling of this policy is an Israeli state policy of genocidal violence toward the Palestinian people in Gaza.
I will now be happy to take your questions.
Thank you, Miss Albanese.
We'll first take questions from the Room writers, please.
My name is special Rapporteur.
Thank you.
Just wondering on on a personal level for you, given how vocal you have been and how some of your statements might not please certain people.
Have you received any threats, any attempts at intimidation?
While.
Working on this report.
Thank you.
Thank you for your for your concern.
I mean, it's been a difficult time.
I've always I've been attacked since the very beginning of my mandate.
I don't say that it's a it's been a pleasant journey, but I can tell you it's much more.
I mean, most of the pain comes from where I have to observe and monitor and investigate day by day.
Yeah, I do receive threats.
Nothing that so far I have considered needing needing extra precautions.
Pressure, yes.
And it doesn't change what my either my commitment or the results of my work I think.
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Before we take questions from journalist online, Yendik Eberman Tigersby, yes, good afternoon.
I'd like to ask you on the intent of the Israeli government or Israeli militaries to commit genocide.
You're saying that there is intent and you're quoting the President of Israel, the Prime Minister, the defence minister and some top militaries, but these are only quotes given in speeches or in other circumstances.
I would like to.
Ask you do.
You have.
The written document by the government which with a clear intent to commit genocide.
Do you think that in Rwanda and in Bosnia Herzegovina, any government officials wrote, wrote a document saying I want to commit genocide?
Have you seen anything like that?
I'll, I'll answer this for you.
No, it doesn't work like that.
There is those statements are just the tip of the iceberg because I have a word limit in in my report which is quite strict.
Otherwise we could write an encyclopaedia with what has been said and done.
And I said it and I mean it, that if the International Criminal Court is serious about investigating what Israel has done in Gaza as of the 7th of October, only as of the 7th of October, it will be busy for decades looking at the previous genocides and jurisprudence that has been developed on those cases.
It's clear that the intent can be can be direct in statements, public statements, declarations, having people in with command authority or having the Prime Minister and having the, the, the the the the president of the state issuing statements.
They are so dehumanising, evoking violence not once, not twice continuously for months.
It's supported by jurisprudence in other in other cases that this is genocidal incitement and look what it's been reflected.
It has reverberated across the conduct of troops on the ground.
They've used the same words Amalek Amalek is a clear is a is is a programme in itself.
And then as you say, as you say, are there documents?
If you read my report, you will see that I've quoted official documents, legal analysis that the, the, the, the legal justification that Israel uses.
There are two, one, one version and then an updated version with a key legal findings.
And it's exactly what I said.
It's humanitarian camouflage because they justify what they're doing using IHL categories, evacuations and human Shields.
Everyone is a human shield.
Everyone is a human shield, women, children, anything that is being is between the troops and whatever is their objective.
And by the way, the, the, the overall objective eradicating Hamas, destroying Hamas, which is it's not even the real military objective, because one thing is to neutralise, destroy the military capacity of an organisation.
Another thing is to target also the, the civilian component.
And this is what has been done.
Every Hamas affiliate has been considered targetable, killable.
And so their family members, these explains the 30,000 people who have been killed.
Plus, I mean, this is a conservative figure I'm referring to.
Nina Larson, FP Yes, thank you.
For taking my question over here.
Sorry, just I was wondering if you.
Could say something about.
The countries that are providing weapons and other support to Israel, you've called for an arms embargo and sanctions, but what what responsibility did those countries carry for their for providing the weapons up until now?
And now that you've called for this and and you're saying that this is a fairly clear requirement, what is their responsibility if they continue, if you could say something about that?
Thank you.
Yes, I, I formulated that recommendation because this is a clear emanation of the Genocide Convention.
When the risk, there is a risk of genocide there, there, there are obligations that that are immediately have to be, have to be followed.
So there are different things, but suspending arm, arms transfer, suspending weapons transfer is necessary in order to reduce the, the level of hostilities and violence against civilians.
After the 26th of January's ICJ interim ruling, there was no doubt, no doubt whatsoever that that was the obligation pending on, in, on all states.
And this has not been acted upon.
So I didn't.
For me, of course we know who's the main political and also economic supporter of Israel.
So of course the, the, the eye and the mind immediately goes to the United States.
But there are other states for and I intend to look further into these.
So probably my next report will be on on this topic on the issue of responsibility.
We'll go to journalists who are participating online, starting with Antonio Brotto, FA Oh, sorry.
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I'm sorry.
I was just.
I just.
Wanted to check, would you say that they could?
Be considered complicit in.
The genocide that you've seen, this is not something that I can conclude right now, but the risk is there.
And there are already legal proceedings that have been started in the United States, for example, by the Centre of Constitutional Rights.
So.
But I'm not in a position to conclude that as well.
OK.
We'll move to journalists who are attending this press conference online, starting with Antonio Brotto, Spanish News Agency, please.
Thank you very much.
I would like to ask if you think that your conclusions should.
Accelerate the verdict of.
International Court of Justice.
Regarding genocide in in.
Gaza, some say that it could take.
Years for them.
To make a decision, but do you think?
It it could be.
Faster.
Thank you.
I do not know if the this will accelerate the proceedings of the of the court.
I I imagine that my report brings to the fore an important piece of analysis, which is what I called humanitarian camouflage, because the tendency is to look at what Israel has done as a war, as isolated war crimes.
And This is why I say, well, if we take a step back and look at the full picture and for once we try not to miss the forest for the trees, we get it.
Also because it's been said, it's, as I said, the intent is so abstentatious.
I mean, they're already planning how to rebuild Gaza for the settlers.
It's shocking.
And so probably that will provide further analytical elements.
But my objective as a special rapporteur, it's not necessarily to influence the court is to make sure the Member States comply with international law because it's not, it's not an act of charity is an international obligation they have and a society which accepts to depart from international law.
It's a society and I talk about the international community which which accepts to face probarity because this is when we leave the use of force unchecked, rule our international order.
A second question online from Yuria Prelefri University, Russian.
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Nick coming, Bruce, The New York Times before we go back to the room.
Yeah, good morning.
Thank you for taking the question.
Your report includes a recommendation for deploying an international protective presence.
I wondered if you could just dig into that, explain what it is you've got in mind, and say whether or not you've engaged and had any discussions.
With states on that particular issue where, where, where the thinking is going on that.
And a second question, just following up on, on my colleagues, you, you say it's too sooner for you to determine whether states providing arms are complicit in permission of war crimes and or potentially genocide.
Could you just explain a little bit what, what the reasoning there is?
I mean, on one hand, we've we've got states that are providing weapons that are being used directly in the hostilities that you say may amount to acts of genocide.
So what's, what's holding you back from identifying complicity?
Thank you.
What holds me back from referring to complicity is that I've not investigated this.
I mean, I don't throw claims out there on things, on matters that I've not investigated, as simple as that, Although I say it's under our watch.
But if it's so much under our watch, why other the responsible actors do not intervene?
So I will, as I said, I will investigate this and unless other, I mean there are no other urgent priorities.
And I apologise to the journalist before because he asked me another piece of question and I hope you won't mind me answering in in English.
But no, I'm not.
I've not looked at whether genocide, the crime of genocide extends to the to the West Bank and E Jerusalem.
But again, the problem is that here there is genocide is committed against a group in whole or in part.
And here the attack is against the Palestinian as a people where they are still a fracture of the international orders that hits the people, the people as such.
So not the people of Gaza, the people, the Palessian people in Gaza.
I must apologise, but I, I didn't, I'm sorry.
I'm, I'm also extremely sick today.
And it's, it's, it's painful to be here.
So I apologise.
But I I will ask you to repeat the the first part of the question because I'm instead.
Yeah, sure.
It was the reference in your report to the deployment of an international protective presence.
What, what did you have in mind and and have you had any discussion with people?
What's the thinking around that?
Thank you.
Yes, yes, of course.
Those who have followed my, my work since I became a special rapporteur know that I've been recommending the establishment of a protective presence for a long time now.
And I will tell you what I mean.
But let me tell you before that anyone, anyone I've engaged with, States and UN alike, roll their eyes when I say that to say Israel will never accept it.
And at what point will we be able to draw a line and say enough, enough?
You cannot decide everything without consequences.
It clearly that doesn't work.
Condemning Israel and saying that Israel doesn't respect international law, it's not enough.
So what I mean by protective presence, it's an international presence, meaning people who are neither Israelis nor Palestinians who are apart outside of of the, let's say the conflict dynamic.
Although for me this the, the word conflict is, is not necessarily accurate to describe what happens.
But if we we need a force that interposes itself between the Palestinians and Israeli, Israeli, not Israeli citizens, because there are so many, not enough, but so many Israelis who are engaged with the Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory, in the West Bank, in East Jerusalem, with shepherds and trying to like they are a protective presence, they go.
So this is the thing that should be done, making sure that pending the withdrawal of Israel's military presence in the occupied Palestinian territory, there is a shelter between between the Palestinians and the the Israelis settlers, armed settlers and the and the army.
So that because their physical integrity now is more at risk than than ever.
And so this could take, I mean, I was not necessarily thinking of blue helmets, but it could also be the passive presence, as passive presence as it was called in the 90s that Andhra refugee affairs officers used to, to, to engage with.
So just people who go there and make sure that there is no harm done because now the violence has has escalated to a point that that is really unacceptable.
Thank you.
We'll go back to the room with first with Sato Kardashi, Amira Shimbun, then the lady in the back and Al Jazeera and John.
Thank you very much for doing this.
Yesterday at the Council, very few Western delegation took the floor and I just wondering if you have received the any reaction from your report, especially those countries who support Israel military and if that is the case, what is their, their reaction?
I think it's too soon to say personally, I'm looking at my team.
I mean, I've not I've not received any anything in particular that I can signal.
I think that the the absence of many Western states, some really surprised me speak for itself.
They decide where to to sit in this and I they should be questioned about that.
But sooner or later I mean there will be a reaction I suppose.
Thank you.
Actually we heard a lot about ****** Israeli woman's this narrative Israeli narrative.
Did you receive any evidences that it happened?
And from the other side we also received many reports and heard a lot of of of Palestinian delegation saying that Israeli occupation army raped a Palestinian woman in Gaza and inside the prisons also.
Can you confirm any of both narratives?
Do you have any evidences about this?
And did any of both sides used **** as a war, as a war weapon?
Thank you.
Turn your your name in your media.
My name is Dina Abisab.
I'm a reporter of several Arabic media.
Thank you.
I'm not entirely comfortable with the, with the term narrative and I'm sure it's, it's stunning good faith, but it's the fact that ****, **** occurs in context of hostilities or heightened animosity and conflict.
I mean, even at the social level, it, it, it happens.
So I was not surprised to, to hear allegations, any senses of, of ****.
And I've expressed since the, the very beginning, the my solidarity with all victims.
And it's, it's clear that it takes time for women to, to elaborate, to process what they've gone through.
What I what I was very disturbed by was the weaponisation of anything that has happened on the 7th of October.
Personally, I have not received information.
I've read the reports that have been written.
I didn't, didn't find any, any convincing evidence.
But this doesn't mean that I believe that that **** didn't occur.
This is for what happened in, in, in Israel.
And yes, special rapporteurs have received allegations of **** against Palestinian women and not only Palestinian women, women and men in detention centres in or while deprived of their of their liberties.
Because this is a conference.
I mean, I'm not going to to go in detail about that, but yes, I yes, we received this and we have inquiried with the Israeli authorities.
We have also denounced it publicly because it was of serious concern among other crimes being committed against the Palestinians.
And yeah, we shall see.
Afes Moriba.
Al Jazeera.
OK, Mrs Albanese, how do you answer some countries like the United?
States who are more or less sceptical towards your report.
And some American officials.
Said that there is.
No evidence that.
Genocide has been committed.
In Gaza.
Thank you.
Let's agree that we disagree.
I do, I do believe that the, that the, the evidence is, is significant is cogent as I said in the report.
And also, I mean, I, I don't find this statement particularly surprising considering where it comes from.
So it's like, I mean, no, let me, let me not make reference to metaphors today because I'm not in a great shape.
So, but frankly, if they are not an an impartial, an impartial voice in this respect, so.
John Zura, Costas, Franz Venkat.
Hi, this is for my other outlet, The Lancet.
I was wondering, a special rapporteur, can you elaborate a little bit more on the humanitarian camouflage and other case studies from violations in the field in recent years where similar policies have been enacted by armed groups or governments or military?
And secondly, how much were you inspired in your research by General Maxwell Taylor and the Nuremberg Tribunals?
Thank you.
By humanitarian camouflage, I mean the, the use, the misuse, the distortion of international humanitarian law, principles of proportionality, distinction precautions have been invoked.
I mean Israel has justified as, as explained, it's it's military actions as proportionate as not targeting civilians.
They didn't achieve their goal considering that 70 percent, 70% of the victims have steadily been women and children throughout the ******* on, on Gaza.
And, and so the there has been, so there has been an, an, an ***** of these, of these categories.
And in the report I made reference to human Shields, medical shielding, evacuation orders and safe zones and collateral damage.
I won't have the time now to elaborate on each and every one of them, but just to to pick one human Shields.
The use of human Shields is prohibited under international law.
So, and it occurs when military action takes place behind civilians so as to so as to use them as a as a shield and, and of course it's prohibited.
The point that is that Israel has used the concept of the allegation of Palestinian, Palestinian armed group groups using human Shields since the very beginning of its military campaigns against Gaza in 2008, 2009, 2012, 2014, 2020, 2012, 2013, 2021-2022, and including including during the great March of Return.
So, and this has been this has been these, these allegations have proven false to a certain point.
Even Israel in certain instances, Israel had to had to retract those those allegations.
And this is documented in the report.
So I'm I'm saying that this is not new.
It has been used at the unpresidential level this time because again on everything has been justified and it's very overwhelming.
It's overwhelming in the Israeli explanations and and documents that Hamas uses human Shields and so instead of doing what IHL requires.
So providing evidence that in each attack that's where not avoidable because it was Hamas using human Shields.
The the the the the very configuration of of Gaza's population has been has been considered human shielding.
But also, and this is the last element I wanted to bring to, to this, how military targets, because this is what happens to the people, how military targets have been considered.
So first of all, it's, it's there, there is a pattern that allows to say that not just combatants have been targeted.
And in order to be a legitimate target, you need to be an active combatant, a soldier.
And I say that in general, including an Israeli soldier who's not an active combat cannot be targeted because he's a civilian at that point.
And this has this has so it's a crime to to target to target anyone who's not an inactive combat.
But also the, the, the physical targets have been identified through an AI system on, on using criteria that have led to target an, an entire building, for example, based on the presumption that an Hamas affiliate had been there.
And and this is so there was no military purpose to to target the entire building.
And of course, and there is an overwhelming evidence of how military sorry medical premises have been have been destroyed on this basis on using false allegations that then I've been I've been I've proven wrong.
And still this has not spared any any facility from from the military attack.
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Another question online from Christian Ulrich, De Pere, Germany news agency.
Merci Pascal.
You are being criticised.
And vilified.
So much.
Including for your outspokenness and your media.
Presence does.
Being so outspoken not make it more difficult for you to fulfil.
Your mandate?
Have you ever?
Considered being less vocal?
Or is it conceivable that the criticism might?
Force you to consider stepping down.
Thank you.
No way.
It will never happen, I can tell you.
I mean, it's making me sick a little bit.
I I can say, but it's again, it's not the criticism, which frankly, it doesn't change my work, does it?
Do you, do you see any, any effect on it, frankly, media people in the room?
No, because On the contrary, can I use a non UN term or not Better not no, it just infuriates me.
It ****** me off, of course it does.
But it then it it it creates even more pressure not to not to not to step back.
Because, you know, human rights work is first and foremost giving, amplifying the voice of people who are not heard.
And the Palestinians are not unique in this sense.
This is the fate of the non West but non western people.
So I find so insulting to dismiss what the Palestinians are going through as many including your colleagues in the West are doing.
Now it starts to change it, it, it, it took the life of 30,000 people for for some media, for some journalist to to realise what's happening and to stop asking.
Do you condemn them Haas Of course 1 condemn Hamas.
How not to condemn Haas?
But at the same time, nothing justifies what Israel is doing.
So yeah, I need, I need to say that and I will continue to say that.
And I I mean, I decide at some point to step out simply because I also have a private life that I would like to enjoy.
But not it won't be because they.
They vilify or they they mistreat me in the yeah, in the public discourse.
Thank you.
A question from Jamie Keaton from AP or or American in Paris.
Hello, Madame Albanese.
I I.
Really just wanted.
You, you made a, a response to Jeremy in French and I just wanted to see if you could say a little bit more about what you hope to achieve by the issuance of this report.
Thank you.
What I wrote in the recommendations, arms embargoes and sanctions because there is no other way.
Of course, what I want to see is the end of the hostilities and and peace in that land for the Palestinians and Israelis.
Because when when it happens, it will be a a wonderful place.
But it's, it's really far and because Israel is not going to change its pattern on its own and you won't stop by inertia.
I'm I, I urged member states to take measures and it wants and and it's necessary.
So what I want to see is sanctions and arms embargo as soon as possible, as it's been done with other states which violate an international law.
Louisa Berlin.
Global Geneva.
Insights please.
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We have a follow up question from Jamie online.
Jamie, please go ahead.
Thanks Pascal.
I'm I wanted to just refer back to you the response from the Israeli diplomatic mission here in Geneva.
In their statement on Monday after the release of your report, they, they said that you were behind a quote, campaign of delegitimizing the very creation and existence of the state of Israel.
And they said that they accused you of excusing and legitimising the attacks of October 7th and dismissing their anti-Semitic nature among other things.
But I just wanted to know if you could respond to those allegations please.
Thank you.
No, I'm not.
I'm not behind nor in front of any campaign to delegitimize the state of Israel.
But if you want to, we want to use this expression.
I'm part of a movement which wants the end of the apartheid, which wants that Israel behaves and leaves in accordance with international law.
Is it that that such an affront to expect that Israel, member of the United Nations, whose existence I've never questioned, behaves like it should as a member of the United Nations that respects international law?
Because this is the point.
I don't question for the records now and for the future.
I do not question the existence of the state of Israel.
I says, as I say today, that Israel cannot behave as it does as an apartheid state and face no consequences.
And the second thing is that there is amnesia, amnesia that the state of Israel around the birth of the state of Israel, because it was the outcome not just of 1 tragedy, but it it it's connected to two tragedies and 1 is very well known and absorbed, which is the tragedy, the horror of the Holocaust.
The other it what it what it meant for the native people of of Palestine, the creation of the state of Israel, this possession for its displacement.
And this is history.
This is history.
Even Israeli historians have written that Benny Morris first and foremost.
So no, I mean, again, I'm accused because I'm someone who doesn't suffer from historical amnesia.
That's it.
anti-Semitism.
Everyone who dares uttering a word of criticism against Israel as accused of anti-Semitism.
I've said it from the very beginning of my mandate.
This is so dangerous.
This is so dangerous, first and foremost for Jewish communities, wherever they are, because I do understand why every Jew, I mean, there are many Jews who are critical of Israel, but there are many who feel such love and such deep connection with Israel, which is fine, it's OK.
This is not up to us to judge.
Those who are judge are member states but at the same time using every kind of argument that is made again against Israeli practises of apartheid and right now in my in my view, the genocidal practises that Israel is displaying is accused.
I mean accusing everyone of anti-Semitism is is again is also, I mean reveals bad faith because frankly the what I what has created what has been scandalous and shocking to many, which led Israel to finally officialise its policy of PNG ING special rapporteurs in my case is that no, I don't I don't find any evidence that what was caused on what the, the the crimes that were committed against Israelis on the 7th of October were prompted, propelled by anti-Semitism, which doesn't mean and I issued a statement on that, which doesn't mean that that there are no, there is no anti-Semitic sentiment in any of those who participated in the attack.
This I cannot know.
But saying that the 7th of October was caused by anti-Semitism makes two things.
On the one hand, take us also Jewish scholars themselves have said take out of the context completely Israel's responsibilities in creating the conditions that have led to the violence that animated those who can and and sorry, the violence that was committed against Israeli Israeli civilians on October seven.
And, and the second it, it maintains this, it feeds this this discourse that Israel is facing an existential ****** because the Palestinians are anti-Semitic and therefore each means is justified.
This is absolutely outrageous and this is what's happening and I was so disappointed to see that this is not only an argument to me by by Israel.
This is amplified in by western media and and western politicians.
So yeah, I mean, sometimes I'm not particularly strategic in no in how I I pick my fights, but I'm I'm happy.
I'm happy I did what I did, saying I'm sorry, this is not anti-Semitism and I face the consequences and I'm still alive.
Mr Benissi has a tight schedule.
We have time for one last question, if there's any, if not, if you do you have any concluding remarks just.
Thank you.
No concluding remarks.
OK, thank you, Madam Special Rapporteur, and thank you to all of you for attending this press conference and for your interest in the work of the Special Rapporteur.
Thank you.