OHCHR Press Conference: Human Rights situation in DPRK 21 March 2022

Well, thank you very much for joining us at this press conference with the Special Rapporteur on Humanity situation in a Democratic People's Republic of of Korea, Mr Thomas Ohea Quintana.

And thank you for joining us here in person as well.

We I just wanted to point out that Mister Ohea Quintana did conclude the interactive discussion with the Human Rights Council this morning.

You have copies of his statement along with the press release that was shared with you today at noon.

I'll turn over immediately to Mr Quintana.

I should note that he was appointed in 2016.

So this is was in fact his his last presentation to the Human Rights Council.

Six years on, he's still on the job for another few months, but I just wanted to emphasise that.

So over to Thomas and then we'll take your questions.

Thank you.

Thank you very much for the introduction and welcome all of you to this press conference.

I, yes, in fact, I just addressed the Human Rights Council.

This might by might be the last time that I discuss the human rights situation in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

We, the members of the Human Rights Council.

My mandate will finish by the end of July, so hopefully there is no need for a new Human Rights Council session in the DPR Korea was a very important discussion today, although again I regret that the special the the representative of the DPR Korea was not present in the room.

So we didn't have a, the possibility to exchange views in this interactive dialogue here in Geneva with the government itself.

But I, I think that still we had a very, very meaningful exchange with other delegations and with the chair of the Human Rights Council, especially emphasising the need to, you know, to have a new approach to the, to the human rights situation of Korea and stressing the need to seek cooperation to open up the country.

And for that, as it has been outlined in in the press release and in the statement and in my report, one of the main and urgent recommendation on my side is to facilitate access, not the North Korea to full vaccination of their population.

So then there is there's a possibility that North Korea will gradually open up, reopen the borders, and that might also bring on chances to discuss broader issues.

The unfortunately, throughout this six years of my mandate, the human rights situation in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has not improved.

And one of the most serious concerns has to do with the political prison camps called Coaliso, Korean denomination.

We are we know that thousands of people are being sent there their situation, legally speaking, legally speaking, Intel enforces appearance of persons, which is a serious crime against humanity under the Rome statue.

And that's why I also recommended today to the Human Rights Council members to continue to uphold the accountability agenda.

North Korea needs to cease these crimes against humanity and the the international community needs to continue to play a role.

So the message is passed that the the Human Rights Council of the United Nations would not accept the ongoing crimes against humanity in the DPR Korea.

So I think I will stop there.

I made a last point today about the, the concerns about escalation of hostilities in the Korean Peninsula.

We are not witnessing, witnessing the situation in Ukraine and, and well how they were stated the the war could be and the situation in the Korean Peninsula could rapidly and dangerously escalate.

And it is critical for all parties involved to try to seek diplomacy and go back to the diplomacy channels in the Korean Peninsula.

And now to conclude, I made a special call for the good offices of Security Secretary General of the United Nations to play a more active role, role in diplomas in the Korean Peninsula.

And I called Member States to enable the good offices of the Security General to play this kind of role.

So I will conclude there and let's open for your question.

Thank you very much, Thomas.

And now to you for your questions, Isabel of Spanish Agency.

Go ahead, Isabel in the room.

Yes, good afternoon.

Thank you.

Good afternoon.

I would like to if if you can elaborate on what you mean by the, the your call of a needed new approach to the situation in North Korea.

What do you mean by new approach?

And also on the situation of what has meant for the population of North Korea the, the, the closure of the, of the country during this last two years, say how exactly how long have been they closed since the beginning of the pandemic or how, what is what has been the impact in the, for the population?

And you said that maybe they will accept to change a little bit and maybe accept to vaccinate their population.

What makes you think that this this cannot happen?

Thank you, thank you.

When I say a new approach, I'm thinking about, and I said it today at the session here, the United Nations needs to recognise, acknowledge the steps taken by North Korea in their engagement with the human rights framework.

For example, they participated in the universal periodical review process and they accepted 132 recommendations.

In 2017, the Special Rapporteur of the right of persons with disability visited the country in an official mission.

That was very important the the government participated in the in the, in the, in the treaty bodies mechanisms, see Dao Child's committee.

They brought a group important delegation to Geneva and they also participated in a training workshop in Geneva as well with the Office of the **** Commissioner of Human Rights.

We and there are many other interactions and not even with human rights mechanisms, but also with other UN mechanisms like Sustainable Development Goals mechanism and others.

So what I believe is that we need to put those developments on the table of or I mean in the, in the agenda of the human rights in North Korea.

It is a time to start using this important decisions being made probably at the capital city to engage with these mechanisms.

We need to further explore opportunities on that.

For example, I believe that the second visit of the special rapporteur of the right of person with disabilities, a follow up visit, it's it's it's needs needs to be, I mean, discussed with the government to basically start operating on the ground, you know, so the so the UNUN mechanism start gaining access to the country.

You know, it's a gradual process where we need to keep being consistent on that.

I believe that other thematic reporters, for example, the special reporter on water and sanitation, he had a contact with the North Korean government here in, in Geneva.

And I, I have been encouraging the the current rapporteur on what an sanitation to to try to continue to build this kind of trust relationship with the government.

We know with the idea or again of visiting the country.

You may know, especially I see here, Stephanie, I have spoken about this before, you know, but I mean, I think it's worth to repeat it because these are really entry points.

And that's why I mean by a new approach.

And I hope the Human Rights Council takes hold of that and push for more engagement.

And also the Office of the **** Commissioner of Human Rights, the North Korean human rights agenda has been subject to any kind of progress on the denuclearisation agenda.

And I don't think that needs to be the case.

I still believe that we can still discuss human rights regardless of the progress on the denuclearisation agenda.

And I want to be very clear on that.

So that's what I say when I that, that's what I say when I'm say new approach.

And then your second question was about, yes, at first I should say that almost all countries around the world closed borders when the pandemic started.

So I think the North Korean decision to close borders had to do with their obligation to protect the right of adequate health of the population.

So, and this is what I said at the beginning in March 2020, where the government decided to close the border was not a an arbitrary decision, was a decision made to protect the North Korean people for an ad from an outbreak of COVID-19 in the country.

That's very important also as a matter of trying to understand the government and trying to acknowledge what they do.

Now, today I also said that these decisions to completely close the border has been too long and there is no need for the government to reopen the, the, the borders.

And for that they are they, they, they are expecting to vaccinate their population as many other countries in the world they are interaction with those partners like Kovacs and some others has been difficult and that's we know that and the government even rejected some number of vaccines.

But they are they still want to basically go forward with with the vaccination of their population.

So on the side of the international community, there is a challenge, as I put it in my statement, try to facilitate the access to full vaccination.

I cannot give you details on that, whether it is going to be a donation, how is North Korea going to pay for that?

What kind of vaccines, what would that be?

But that that's what I think needs to be done, you know, basically to break this level of isolation.

We don't have UN country team, we don't have humanitarian agencies on the ground, you know, the information scars.

So, but what we know still is that under this level of isolation, basically due to the restriction of COVID-19 pandemic, 2 things.

On the one hand, the population who used to, you know, rely on exchanges, especially with China through trade and other, you know, commercial relations has stopped.

And and then people basically in the provinces, ordinary citizens rely for their livelihood on on used to rely on, on those kind of exchanges, commercial exchanges.

So therefore their situation is it's quite serious in respect to social and economic rights.

But on the other hand, the government, according to the measures that they have taken is using COVID-19 pandemic to to increase control on the population without again, without international observers, without international personnel.

Plus the passing of legislation recently in legislation last December, legislation that punishes even with death penalty access to information that the government perceives undermines the state and even death penalty if if that information is from foreign states, from foreign estates.

And I also mentioned here the, the, the ***** on site orders, you know, for those who want to leave the country or enter the country.

All those are related to the COVID-19 restrictions.

So in order to also prevent further revelation of this civil rights, the right to life of the people, we need to offer North Korea alternatives to open the borders again.

Sorry it was a longer response, but I think it was worth.

Indeed, very worth it.

Thank you very much for that.

And we have a question now from Nina of Jean France Press.

Go ahead, Nina.

Hi.

Thank you for taking my question.

So a few things you mentioned the the prison camps.

I was wondering if you have any numbers, if you have any idea of how many people are in those camps Now you also mentioned that people might be starving due to this increased food insecurity.

What do you have any numbers or any sort of right?

Can you quantify that in any way?

And then also just the last really in connection with the crisis in in Ukraine, how do you see, I don't know if you could put that in, in sort of a perspective with with the crisis there and you know, another nuclear arms state that how do you think that could impact the isolation of North Korea or or the willingness of countries to to interact?

Thank you.

All right.

Yeah, very, very relevant question.

Thanks.

So the political prison comes the basic information about the figures that you're asking about.

I would say that only comes from the findings of the Commission of inquiry.

In 2014, the Commission of Inquirer inquiry determined that about 120,000 people are being holding political prison camps.

I haven't been able to verify or affirm now in 2022 to what extent that the fears that represent the reality of the political prison camps at the moment.

But we know and through all my money, I have heard many stories about how people in North Korea fear been sent to this political prison camps.

I said this before.

This is an evidence that they continue to exist.

I have her accounts that without the existence of political prison camps, and this is some more analytical and assessment, but without political prison camps, the system regime, political regime in North Korea will not survive.

Without the existence of political prison camps, people fear, fear being sent to these places.

Even people in Pyongyang, the so-called elite they are, there is anger.

I heard that there is anger, but any chances to express dissent is, you know, suppressed with the threats of being sent to political prison camps.

And we still have some settled satellite images about these camps.

So it's quite challenging to determine how is life of prisoners in this political prison camps.

We know that there are schools for guards.

We know that in some of these political prison camps, there's even education for the children of prisoners.

In some situations, political prison camps look like huge villages where people cannot live.

In some of the political prison camps, the prisons are being used for forced labour in, in, in, in mine, coal mines and other kind of mines.

So we are trying to basically, or I'm trying to basically make my conclusions, make my conclusions based on the information that I have been receiving throughout these years.

And this is all what I can say about the political prison camps.

And I repeat that the government needs to cooperate and allow access for the international community to these places.

I constantly call the government of North Korea to release prisoners.

There is a practise in North Korea to issue amnesties for releasing prisoners.

We, we, we periodically see information about these decisions coming from the leadership.

I really urge the leadership to continue to release prisoners, especially those most vulnerable.

And ultimately, of course, I call for the dismantlement of these facilities.

On the issue of right to adequate food, 1st, I made a point today in the session.

We need to have more information from single Member states, especially those in the border area.

I'm talking about China, in particular about what is the level of.

Food assistance that they are providing, we the United Nations need to know how it, whether China and how China is helping North Korea to prevent a further food insecurity in the country.

And I would really, really welcome an engagement with the Chinese government on that because it's very important has been very concerning the issue of food security.

And in terms of figures, it's very difficult to to say.

I shared with you and this in the, in the statement, the, the figures in terms of food insecurity in the country, almost 40% of the population faithful food insecurity.

We have the we have the situation of mortal maternity, the connected to malnutrition.

We have serious figures in stunting children facing stunting.

But overall, what I can say to you in terms of more detail is, is that specially elder, elder population in the border, in, in the provinces, elder population in North Korea, prisoners.

And also we know that the so-called the Kochevi.

So the so the, the orphans in North Korea who somehow the government has some level of assistance to, to, to, to, to help the orphans.

But some of them are living just, you know, on their own.

This specialist sectors may be facing hunger and starvation.

And the last question I I'm not sure what exactly was about, but yes, definitely the nuclear, the progress in the nuclear capability of North Korea, it's extremely concerning.

I said today that the government should allocate, should prioritise allocation of resources to basic rights, including adequate food.

The Security Council of the, of the United Nations affirms that the government is diverting those resources for the nuclear programme.

So if that's if that's the case, I urge North Korea to prioritise allocation of resources to the needs of of the population.

And again, it's quite concerning throughout these six years, as I said today at the beginning of my statement, I, I witnessed political tensions in 2016 when North Korea started with the missiles then was a very encouraging period of rapprochement and negotiations in 2018 and 2019.

I should say why I am saying encouraging because I, I, I was, I was really of the idea that this negotiations will offer entry points, concrete entry points to further expand the human rights agenda.

And let me give you an example.

During those times, those years, I was engaging with the US government very closely and with the ROK government offering them a road map on how to introduce, how to expand the human rights agenda.

We know I'm going to be very clear with you.

We know that the, you know, this kind of negotiations, the part the parties are really reluctant to speak about human rights.

Sometimes they want to put it aside of the agenda.

And we need to understand that we not, we don't need just two finger point.

We need to see, OK, we understand the, the, we, we, we are, there's some of the difficulties and how difficult is this kind of negotiations and that bringing human rights discussion may jeopardise the negotiations.

That's, that's what has happened at that time.

But I was ready to provide them a road map.

When I say a road map, I say you should include in the negotiations the commitment of the government to engage with the special rapporteur, to just start talking with the UN human rights mechanisms, to invite him on the ground to engage with the Office of the **** Commissioner for Human Rights in, in a, in a sustained, you know, process.

So that those are very simple ideas on how to introduce human rights in the negotiations for the nuclearization.

And then the pandemic came and the pandemic, we all know how, how, how the pandemic brought, I mean, difficulties all over the world in all agendas, including in this case, the human rights agenda of North Korea.

Now my fear is that there's going to be a another cycle of escalations in the Korean Peninsula, a Korean Peninsula in which North Korea has shown nuclear, already nuclear capability, has shown missile technology, ballistic missile technology evolving rapidly.

So I made very, very clear points with the relevant stakeholders during this time here in Geneva, but I also have been in Seoul 15 days ago, especially with the UNUS and they are OK, the Japanese and also I made publicly the point with the China and Russia.

There is no time to escalate North Korea.

There is a challenge to do otherwise.

And especially this is a message to the ROK government, the new administration.

I hope that we learn lessons from the past, from the recent past, and that will again, as I say, will allow for human rights, for entry points to address human rights is if, if we if we prevent this kind of escalation in the Korean Peninsula.

Thank you very much.

We have a question from Peter Kenny of Andalou News Agency.

Peter, go ahead.

Yes.

Thank you for taking my question.

Mr Quintana.

I think I heard you correctly that you had mentioned that with the start of the the Ukraine invasion that there were concerns about the firing of missiles from North Korea.

In fact, I think after they had been quite a low missile firing seem to have started again.

Have you recorded made any recording of the frequency of these attacks since the Ukraine invasion started?

Thank you.

I'm not making any connection.

I don't see any direct connection with the word in Ukraine.

I don't actually, On the contrary, the, the way that North Korean government behaves, it's, it has some of some rationale.

During the rapprochement, the negotiations in 2018 and 19, this government publicly declared that there was there was a monatorium in testing both nuclear missile.

And after the negotiations start, basically after the failure of the Hanoi summit, unfortunately, at some point the leadership declared that the moratorium is over, was over.

So all this happened before the Ukraine war and, and now they they started again with this quite concerning missile tests of different kind of.

But anyway, I try not to discuss the security agenda that's does not fall into on my mandate, although I do discuss this issue with the Security Council members.

I visited New York in October last year and also and also Washington DC, and I did discuss with them the security issue, including, by the way, the issue of the negative impact of sanctions from the Security Council against the living condition of ordinary citizens in, in, in North Korea.

And I have to recognise that the Security Council members has been opened to listen to me to discuss these issues.

They fastened the exemptions, the pursuer for humanitarian aid.

And let me tell you one more thing.

Throughout these years I have I have noticed that the kind of tensions in the Korean Peninsula, again especially in North Korea due to the progress in the nuclear programme on ballistic missiles, has somehow impede to this to have any kind of discussion with regards to providing development aid to North Korea.

At some point humanitarian assistance is accepted and I even should say that in sometimes even during tensions in 2016, I heard from Member states that they were not even ready to provide humanitarian assistance, which it's really something that doesn't go in line with the UN principals.

But now and today at the Human Response, I made the point that I think that the the executive boards of the UN agencies need to be open to discuss development assistance to North Korea in water and sanitation health.

Help them basically, you know, improve their health infrastructure.

If we want to, if we want the government to fight COVID-19 after operating the borders, they need to improve their health infrastructure.

And that's has to do with development.

It's not just humanitarian assistance.

You have the issue of water and sanitation, drinking drinkable water in the provinces.

Most of the people don't have access to that Eugene Hygiene and many other very important human rights issues that are recognising human rights treaties which also are connected to development.

That's why I, I have made this recommendation to executive, executive boards of the UN agencies to start allowing our colleagues working on the ground operating in the country, allow them to do what they see when they are there.

Because if you talk to the, the people working on the ground from the United Nations, they tell you that they see that something else is required.

And of course there are challenges in regards to monitoring, you know, access many, many challenges.

But I think it's for the United Nations to really face those challenges.

Thank you very much.

We have one more question from Gabriela Sotomayor of El Proceso of Mexico.

Gabriela Gabi.

Go ahead.

Yes, thank you so much for Orlando.

Thank you very much.

Mr Quintana, you said that the the numbers that you have on the camps come from the Commission of inquiry and now your mandate will be over.

So do you think that there should be another Commission of inquiry or what else to to pressure the government?

And then what do you think that Mrs Bachelet should do concretely in, in this regards?

And then last question is for Orlando, if he can answer this question at the end of the press conference on the Commission of inquiry in Ukraine, when the President is going to, to announce the members of the Commission of inquiry in Ukraine.

If, if Rolando can update us, because I mean, the war is still going on and, and the clock is ticking, I think.

Thank you.

Oh, I, I, I, I, I think what is needed is to strengthen the follow up on the implementation of the recommendation of the Commission of inquiry.

That's, that's my respond to your question.

Commission of inquiry should not be established just to put pressure.

Commissions of enquiry are established when the Human Rights Council has enough evidence that indicate widespread and human rights abuses and therefore there is a need to move a step forward to analyse the facts in a time bound and specific territory.

So that has happened with the Commission of Inquiry North Korea groundbreaking report and I again I think what is needed now is to follow up on the recommendations.

But together with that, and look, I have been very clear also today, accountability when we are in front of an scenario of widespread human rights abuses is key to think about a future where rights are respected.

And let me just bring you back to my experience as the Myanmar Special Rapporteur in 2008, from 2008 to 2014.

In 2010, right before the militars were holding elections in Myanmar, after 40 years of military regime, 40 years of human rights abuses against ethnic minorities in all parts of the country against Burmese civilians, including Aung San Suu Kyi, who was been holding house arrest.

I called for this human rights concert to establish a Commission of inquiry.

But also, I remember very well raising my concern with this, this the civil community that there was a need to review the past, there was a need to address those violations and it was for the people of Myanmar to decide how to do it, whether it is a truth Commission or something.

Those are the lessons learned from the history of the United Nations for a transition towards democracy or for a transition towards towards civilian government, you need to address human rights violations.

Why one way or another.

So that's why in the, and the, my point of view is that that's was one of the reasons why Miramar is now under this situation, because the opportunity was missed at that time to really put a stop and put a halt to the power of the military and to make them accountable and to make them respond to what happened for 40 years.

That was a missed opportunity, really.

So that's why here now with the DPR Kriya mandate, I'm urging member states to listen to our expertise because because we are engaging to all parties in the conflict.

We, the reporters are listening to everybody.

And that's, that's the value of the mandate, because allow us to then try to address the prop, the proper, the most suitable approach to address human rights in this case with North Korea.

So then in this case with North Korea, accountability initiatives needs to be taken.

We need to see concrete, concrete action.

We know that the referral to the International Criminal Court is not working.

And it's not only with North Korea, it's happening with many other situations.

But we need to continue to make the point these are crimes against humanity and the UN body is the International Criminal Court to deal with that.

So if that's not going to happen, let's explore other initiatives because the authorities in North Korea need to know that they will have to respond sooner or later for the crimes being committed.

So that's one thing that it is connected to your question about the Commission of inquiry.

But again, please, this is what I urge today.

Member States, please use my report.

My report includes a road map, concrete road map on how to engage with North Korean human rights.

And I am asking the **** Commissioner to respond to your question, the **** Commissioner for Human Rights to take hold of the of that road map and to take a leadership.

I even in past reports recommended a visit of the special reporter to North Korea.

So my point is we need to have a more active role here in Geneva on the human rights agenda.

Who other would that would that be?

We shouldn't let only Member States to deal with that.

We are the impartial and independent and multilateral body.

Who else will be the one trying to engage with North Korea other than the Human Rights Council, other than the **** Commissioner for Human Rights, other than my Monday and other reporters?

Because ultimately, and this is something that Rolando remind me, I brought this, I brought this before to Geneva, I think, and also to New York.

This is a lock, old lock from North Korea.

He was given, it was given to me, this lock by an escapee, a woman escapee who I met in in South Korea.

And she gave me this lock and she said I brought this lock from Korea.

And she said this lock represents our situation in North Korea.

And I'm giving this to you as AUN representative because we believe that it is the United Nations who has the key to this to, to unlock this, this chain.

So having this is probably my last presence here in Geneva's rapporteur, I think it was worth to bring this to show this to you.

This is coming from North Korea.

This is what represents and to unlock this, this chain, we need to we need to apply all for wisdom and all all our mechanisms, all, all our alternatives that that we have to open up North Korea.

So when I stopped there, I don't know if Randy, you have a question there, but.

Thank you.

Thomas.

I I really don't want to use your press conference, but I can simply just note that it's absolute priority of Ambassador Vijaya, as the President of the Council to appoint the members of the Commission of Inquiry in Ukraine and Will, we will certainly inform you well in advance.

I just also wanted to point out there is a resolution on the DPRK which is tabled, which does heed much of the advice of of the Special Rapporteur, who I thank very much for your six years of service of helping put the spotlight on the situation in human rights in DPRK.

And hopefully this is not the last time we see you.

So thank you very much for everything, and thank you all for joining us here at this press conference.